Twelve Steps to Democratic Rehabilitation

With the election behind us, and the recriminations in full force, I wanted to make my offer for the 12 Steps To Democratic Rehabilitation. Most of the people who have already weighed in on the Party's necessary direction have been the same political and journalistic professionals who have led us down the path of continued defeat. And predictably, they offer the following prescription: They see the need for compromise with the President on his legislative agenda (surrendering our ideals for political expediency that almost always fails); a reaching out to "Red America" (a foreign country in their minds that Democrats can only compete in by nominating Southern moderates); a need to beef up our national security credentials (i.e. Never oppose any war supported by Republicans); and the need to put forward a positive message (don't fight back hard, and never ever appear to be demagoging corporate America).

My ideas for the direction of the Party are a little different. I may be an amateur, but to borrow from Ross Perot in his 1992 campaign, it's true that I have no experience devising strategies that have turned a majority Party into a minority Party, a proud history of fighting for the underdog into a reputation for being weak-kneed and soulless. Maybe it's about time the Party started listening to its amateurs, because God knows, we couldn't do any worse.

Step One: Have Fun

While most virtues of democracy are well known to anyone who has finished first grade, there is one virtue that is often forgotten: Democracy is fun. It makes people feel good to get involved with something larger than themselves. Candidates should make their supporters proud to be a part of the campaign, by bringing energy and authenticity to the process. Create innovative and entertaining campaign ads, feel free to use gimmicks to gain attention or raise funds, and build a community of supporters that will spread the energy of the campaign. Politics does not have to be staid. We are the challengers, the opposition Party. We are in the perfect position to raise a little hell and have a little fun.

Step Two: Hit Hard

Fighters beat statesmen every time. We should never be afraid to go negative, never play defense, and never back down. From Andrew Jackson on, the Democratic Party has been the scrappy Party never afraid of an old fashioned political fight. As Harry Truman said "Carry the battle to them, don't let them bring it to you. Put them on the defensive and never apologize for anything."

Step Three: Hold the Base

Presentation isn't everything. We can't simply go into battle as the happy warrior without knowing exactly who we are going into battle for. The DLC would like us to believe that a "third way" can satisfy everyone -- that expanding our base does not mean neglecting our core supporters. But this is a fallacy. The definition of politics requires there to be a choice between competing interests. And when it comes down to that choice, we better know which side we are on. If we lose the support (or at least the enthusiasm) of the people who need us the most, then we do not deserve to win. And we will not win. In every Presidential election since 1976, the candidate that lost touch with his base lost the election.

Step Four: Don't Worry About Money

I don't mean this to imply that money is not important, but that money comes from momentum and not the other way around. Small dollar donors will donate to the candidate they believe in the most. Big dollar donors are more fickle; they want to back a winner. If the small dollar donors are behind a candidate, the big dollar donors will follow as well. There is no need to court wealthy segments of the population (i.e., Hollywood, trial lawyers, business community) to become financially competitive. If appealing to business helped in raising money, Joe Lieberman would have won the money chase in the '04 primaries.

Step Five: Be Willing to Sacrifice Discipline for Authenticity

Running a highly disciplined campaign is a positive thing. It helps to avoid gaffes and keeps the focus on the message the campaign is hoping to disseminate to the public. But as outlined above, politics is about choices, and unfortunately in this situation, the cost of discipline is inauthenticity. As a Party, we need to say what we mean... what our voters are saying everyday to their neighbors and coworkers. Too often, the things our leaders say are unrecognizable to Democrats around the country. We come across as cautious and phony. If a reporter asks a question, answer it. Don't fall back on soundbites and talking points.

Step Six: Offer Challenges, Not Promises

Americans participate in the political process out of patriotism and not just self interest. Give them a reason to feel patriotic. Instead of simply explaining how policies will effect their lives, we need to explain how policies will improve America. The value of inspiring voters to work toward a better America cannot be underestimated. Ask for sacrifice. Instill a sense of responsibility toward their community, toward their nation, and to their world.

Step Seven: Reclaim Our Populist Roots

The DLC has spent more than a decade trying to exorcise populism from the Democratic Party. They have associated the racism used by some early 19th century Populists with the greater call of the populist movement. They argue that populism is divisive -- that it's class warfare, and only survives by pitting one group of people against another. But why would we run from populism? Populists fight on the side of the majority of people -- those who are not well-served by the policies written by and for the economic and political establishment. The divisions exist, and to ignore them means to ignore the people who suffer as a result. For a Party accused of being elitist, wouldn't a return to these founding anti-elitist principles be well-advised? The real reason the DLC opposes populism is because they want the Democrats to court the powerful business leaders and the entrenched political establishment that populism would seek to overthrow.

Step Eight: Engage in a Debate Over Values

This step is not meant to be a response to the 2004 exit polls that were interpreted to suggest Democrats lost because of "moral values." Rather, it stems from George Lakoff's thesis in Moral Politics, and has been argued by E.J. Dionne in numerous columns. Democrats cede morality not by moving to the Left, but by moving to the Right. Instead of arguing our beliefs based on values, we too often use pragmatism, economics and strategy when making our points. For instance, in our attempts to shake the "bleeding heart" label, we often defend policies that help the poor as being economically beneficial to all. While the point may be valid, it is not nearly as powerful as the fact that helping the poor is moral and just. Another example is our response to the torture at Abu Ghraib prison. All Democrats, and in fairness almost all Americans, condemned the torture. But most of the criticism focused on the practical problem. Would our prisoners be tortured in response? Would the images of the torture strengthen the Iraqi insurgency? It wasn't until Al Gore delivered a MoveOn sponsored speech in May that someone made the obvious moral argument against the torture. Democrats need to regain the confidence that our values are America's values -- that America is a good country that will want to do good because it is moral and not simply out of self-interest.

Step Nine: Don't Run From the Activists

Activists are the true believers of our Party. They do the leg work, spread the message, and supply the energy. It is an insult to have the leadership of the Party they are working for embarrassed to be associated with their efforts. When the Party leaders try to distance themselves from Michael Moore, they are distancing themselves from every Democrat that bought a ticket to Fahrenheit 9/11. When they engage in efforts to "stop" an activist-favored candidate, the sleight extends to the supporters of that candidate. The greatest strides made during the 2004 election cycle -- the internet fundraising innovations, the impressive get-out-the-vote efforts, the edgy MoveOn campaign ads -- were made possible only by Party activists. Republicans reward their activists. We should stop insulting ours.

Step Ten: Shorten and Sharpen the Message

We should always know exactly what we stand for, be able to say it in less than seven seconds, lay out a call to arms, and make our message easily distinguishable from the other side's message. In Paul Wellstone's fateful 2002 Senate campaign, his slogan was "Stand Up, Keep Fighting." This message was succinct, called for action and could not be confused with the message of the opponent. The same could be said of Howard Dean's "Take Back America" slogan. Both of these slogans were brilliant, but both were only possible because the underlying message of the candidates was already known. We knew who Wellstone wanted to stand up and fight for, and we knew why Dean felt such an urgency in taking back the country. But for a Democratic Party that has had trouble defining itself, the dynamic slogans will have to wait. We need to start by outlining our values: social and economic justice, grassroots democracy, civil rights, and a moral foreign policy. That is a short and sharp message. It's what the Democratic Party has been advocating since its inception. We need a message that puts it into words.

Step Eleven: Campaign Nationally

One of the biggest mistakes we made as a Party in the 2002 midterm election was running separate campaigns across the country. The Party deliberately blurred any national message with the mistaken belief that the national message would hurt candidates in conservative districts. As a result, voters couldn't find anything that our Party stood for. We became an alliance of non-Republicans (it is helpful to note that the downfall of the Whigs in the 19th century came about when they failed to come up with a cohesive national message and instead became nothing more than an anti-Democrat coalition). The same flawed thinking about the limits of the Democratic Party are evident in national elections. We begin every Presidential campaign ignoring every voter we expect to win and every voter we expect to lose. We need one message that we are not afraid to offer the American public in Berkeley California and Nashville Tennessee. The trick is not finding a broad message that satisfies both, but finding a way to rally a majority of the country to our message.

Step Twelve: Be Bold and Consistent

Rather than voting on ideological grounds, swing voters tend to vote on intangible qualities, such as leadership, honesty and moral courage. Our mistake in our failed attempts to court swing voters is in our readiness to move to the middle to meet the swing voters where they reside. The Republicans have been far ahead of us in dismissing this strategy. In 1980, Ronald Reagan was extremely successful with swing voters, and he did not move one inch to the center. On the contrary, his swing voter success was partly attributable to the integrity the voters saw on his stands based on principle. As a Party, we need to challenge conventional wisdom, both in politics and policy. Ignore the polls (at least sometimes), and especially ignore the pundits (almost always). Focus on changing the minds of voters instead of selling out long-held principles in an effort to win those voters. Standing on principle is not only the best policy, it is also a winning politics.

The Democratic Party is famous for its post-defeat "circular firing squad." While some losses are just losses and don't need to be endlessly rehashed, the series of losses suffered by Democrats forces us to take a hard look at our problem. Our Party is better for this country than the Republican Party. With faith in our ideals and trust in the American people, we will put an end to the era of Right-wing rule.